Friday, December 28, 2018

Henry Giroux Defends the Faculty Guild

Henry Giroux offers thoughts on the state of American higher education in Counterpunch. The piece is an interview--Mr. Giroux (now living in Canada) is interrogated by a Slovenian academic, Mitja Sardoč.

I think Mr. Giroux is mostly correct on the facts:
[T]hey sought aggressively to restructure its modes of governance, undercut the power of faculty, privilege knowledge that was instrumental to the market, define students mainly as clients and consumers, and reduce the function of higher education largely to training students for the global workforce. ... 
Increasingly aligned with market forces, higher education is mostly primed for teaching business principles and corporate values, while university administrators are prized as CEOs or bureaucrats in a neoliberal-based audit culture. Many colleges and universities have been McDonalds-ized as knowledge is increasingly viewed as a commodity resulting in curricula that resemble a fast-food menu.
While I'd phrase it very differently, he hasn't said anything I think is wrong. And that's precisely the point--Mr. Giroux and I can look at the same facts and come to completely different conclusions. Our priors diverge, and therefore also our conclusions.

The key to Mr. Giroux's error (in my view) is the meaning of the word "they" at the top of the above quote. "They" refers to "neoliberals," that ill-defined boogeyman of all evil. Mr. Giroux's lede sentence sets the tone.
Neoliberalism has become the dominant ideology of the times and has established itself as a central feature of politics. Not only does it define itself as a political and economic system whose aim was to consolidate power in the hands of a corporate and financial elite, it also wages a war over ideas.
Then Mr. Giroux starts putting words in my mouth.
Advocates of neoliberalism have always recognized that education is a site of struggle over which there are very high stakes regarding how young people are educated, who is to be educated, and what vision of the present and future should be most valued and privileged.
As an advocate for "neoliberalism" (interpreted as belief in laissez-faire capitalism), that doesn't accurately express my opinion at all. Education may be a "site of struggle," but the stakes are not very high. Indeed, I think academia is gradually rendering itself inconsequential. It's an institution that is increasingly relevant only to Yankee progressives--or about 20% of the population.

Far from influencing society, academia is obsessed with political correctness, which turns it into a laughing-stock. Indeed, it's Trump's response to that trend that helped elect him. Higher ed's opposition to free speech and open inquiry further narrows its reach and influence.

Accordingly, real debate about serious issues is moving off campus, to--among other places--the intellectual dark web, or even to the pages of Counterpunch. No serious conversation about "climate change", evolutionary psychology, gender differences, sociology, or even economics can take place on a college campus. Even new technology increasingly arises off-campus--be it space flight, artificial intelligence, and (most importantly) fracking.

In a word, college is becoming a waste of time and money. It's gradually going the way of Sears, Roebuck & Co--an idea whose time has passed.

Let's consider one of Mr. Giroux's facts. He is indeed correct that colleges increasingly "define students mainly as clients and consumers." Would he have it otherwise? What does he propose instead?

He never really says. The closest he gets is this:
[N]eoliberalism undermines the ability of educators and others to create the conditions that give students the opportunity to acquire the knowledge and the civic courage necessary to make desolation and cynicism unconvincing and hope practical. As an ideology, neoliberalism is at odds with any viable notion of democracy which it sees as the enemy of the market.
Which doesn't really explain anything. It sounds like colleges should proselytize something like a religious faith--hope, as a solution to "desolation and cynicism." Of course colleges used to do that: the original mission of Harvard was to train clergy, and their motto was "For Christ and Church." Mr. Giroux seems animated by that same Yankee spirit, even if the specifics of his religion are different.

Here, as I see it, is the basic rule: Students know more about their own future than anybody else. I was a professor of chemistry, and no doubt I knew more about chemistry than the average 20-year-old. That's why they paid me to teach them. But, facing a class of 100, I knew nearly nothing about them as individuals: not their ambitions, their talents, their interests, nor their circumstances.

I can't even predict the larger future for them. I likely know less about the impact of technology than they do. I don't know who will be president in 2021, much less in 2025. I can't even predict what the stock market is gonna do tomorrow morning!

So I surely have no right to tell students "You need to know some chemistry to be prepared for the future!" My school requires all students to take two science classes on the assumption that the faculty collectively can predict the future--indeed, every student's individual future--better than students can predict it themselves. Of course that's not true. The faculty--collectively or otherwise--are completely clueless.

So I am completely against rigid distribution requirements. Students should be allowed to take what they want, which will be what they're good at, which will likely be most relevant to their future. Perhaps it's appropriate for me to say "Gee, taking a chem class is a good idea. You'll learn about how nature works, and that's useful." I can give them advice--even good advice. But I can't claim any special insight into their future.

My school requires two semesters of foreign language study. For some students that's probably a really good idea. For most it's surely a waste of time and money. Likewise, all students are required to take a class in "diversity," which cynics like me think is a course in brainwashing (and not a very successful one--on net it probably increases Trump's vote total). Again, some students will enjoy a course in "diversity," and they might even vote for Elizabeth Warren. More power to them--I'm not against "diversity" classes. They just shouldn't be required.

Of course students aren't very good at predicting the future, either. Most of them will get it wrong. But surely they're better at predicting their own futures than the faculty are. And therefore students should be treated as customers. The curriculum--the classes they actually take--has to be left up to them. Smart ones will ask for advice--and I'll tell them to take more chemistry. But the decision has to be theirs.

The customer is always right.

If students aren't customers, then, according to Mr. Giroux, the faculty should be in charge.
[F]aculty must reclaim their right to control over the nature of their labor, shape policies of governance, and be given tenure track lines with the guarantee of secure employment and protection for academic freedom and free speech.
That phrase--"shape policies of governance"--is saying that the faculty should control the curriculum. In a narrow sense I agree--the chemistry faculty should decide how chemistry is to be taught. But we have no right to tell students what they need for the future, and therefore we have no legitimate authority to impose course requirements on students (beyond narrow disciplinary prerequisites).

Mr. Giroux is granting the faculty an authority they don't deserve. His claim dates from medieval times when there was very little social change, and the only reason to attend college was to enter the clergy. In those days the faculty was a guild that guarded its privileges as tightly as any other guild.

But the world is not like that anymore. The world is too complicated to be entrusted to a self-interested guild. Mr. Giroux's plea to protect the professoriate needs to be rejected.

Further Reading:



Saturday, December 8, 2018

Socialist Action Goes AWOL

The very first post on this blog was commentary on Socialist Action's (SA) 2012 convention. It's a rather dense dissection of SA's understanding of economics. Everything was new back then--I took great pleasure in the argument.

Two years later I blogged about the 2014 conclave. This covers much the same ground as the 2012 piece. The convention concluded poverty was increasing in Europe--I put that exaggerated claim into perspective.

Then I commented on the 2016 convention, criticizing them for the seeming disconnect between the enormous economic crisis supposedly engulfing the world proletariat, compared to the pathetic response of the Party. The imminent destruction of the planet/immiseration of the working class/irremediable crisis of capitalism--all those challenges were to be met by increased sales of their print newspaper, a $25,000 fundraiser, and the sorriest presidential campaign ever launched in American history.

Finally, in February, 2017, I responded to the Declaration of a Faction Fight within the Fourth International, where SA proclaimed its heroic stand defending a proletarian outlook. I accused SA of setting "the bar for success very low." Definitely an understatement. We have, by the way, heard nothing about the faction fight since.

So now we come to 2018. At some point in October, SA announced that their paper would be taking a short break to allow for a convention later that month. The announcement is no longer on the web, but to the best of my memory the convention was held in the 3rd or 4th week of October. For most previous conventions the event was reported at length within a week or two after the meeting.

This year? Crickets. Not a word so far.

Now maybe it will still come--if so, I'm happy to eat my words--I'd love to find out what SA has planned for the coming period. Nevertheless, I'm getting worried. I'm afraid the Party is crawling into a hole and hiding from the limelight. Why?

One possible reason is that SA has become increasingly incoherent. That certainly seems to be the trend from 2012 to 2016. They've lost their Marxist bearings. They have no unique perspective on world politics. They're lost at sea when it comes to both strategy and tactics--and they're ashamed of themselves.

Or it could be there is a big faction fight in the organization and they haven't figured out what to write yet. I doubt that.

Or they just don't like criticism--not that they get very much of it. As far as I know I'm the only blogger who pays them any attention at all. My reach is pretty small, so it seems a stretch to think they're afraid of me. Yet they surely have gotten very secretive of late--they no longer publish locations or phone numbers of their branches, nor have they said anything about attendance at any of their conventions, and now they don't even want to say what they talked about at their meeting. It looks downright paranoid.

A pair of recent issues indicates the confusion. For starters, there has so far been no analysis of the Yellow Vest protests in France. SA is not alone--so far on my Beat only The Militant has covered the protests (here and here). Part of that is the Trotskyist news cycle is very slow. But I think the Yellow Vest movement must be especially embarrassing for Socialist Action.

The Yellow Vests put paid to the idea of a "Vanguard Party." The movement has no leadership--it is an entirely organic creation of social media. It's not organized around any coherent platform, much less the uniquely correct program sanctified by The Revolutionary Party. As far as I know, no Trotskyist organization of any denomination has played any role in the movement whatsoever. All SA can do is kibbutz from the sidelines.

Then the movement is a "weird" coalition between Left and Right--supported by both the National Front and far-left movements. I say "weird" because it's only weird from a Marxist perspective. Us normal folks see a confluence of interests between far Left and far Right--you both support more government intervention in the economy. In France they call that dirigisme. It's the very opposite of Trumpism.

Finally, and most disturbing for SA, is the movement's anti-environmentalism. The proximate cause of the riots was the imposition of a carbon tax (The Militant calls it a gas tax), ostensibly imposed to prevent global warming. Apparently French workers will have none of this global warming nonsense, especially since "fighting" it involves a severe hit to their standard of living. Can't say as I blame them.

SA, meanwhile, has gone whole hog for the most crackpot version of environmentalism. For example, in a recent article by Marc Rome on the role of the electric utility PG&E in "causing" the wildfires in California. The company is now subject to potentially bankrupting lawsuits from fraudster lawyers trying to make a killing.

SA apparently thinks those lawyers are heroes. After all, forcing the electric company out of business will certainly save on emissions--everybody will be cutting back when their power is turned off. And California has a warm climate, so what do all those people need electricity for anyway? Especially given the catastrophic threat imminent global warming poses.

Like the lawyers, SA is convinced the PG&E caused the fires. Now it may be true that the company caused the spark that lit the fires, but that's hardly the big story. According to Mr. Rome, the real cause is "climate change," that ill-defined, protean boogeyman that's about to destroy us all. SA apparently thinks PG&E singlehandedly caused "climate change," and therefore should pay the full bill.

So let's double or triple everybody's electricity rates. That seems to be SA's solution. Because somebody has to pay all those lawyers, and that somebody is gonna be rate payers. Or taxpayers, which is the government's solution. Mr. Rome's article is entitled California governor signs legislation to bail out utility that sparked deadly fires.

Actually, it's not PG&E that's getting bailed out. It's the shyster lawyers. SA is taking the side of lawyers--that's not very revolutionary of them. Here I thought they were supposed to be defending the interests of the working class?

Further Reading: