Saturday, May 29, 2021

Has the SWP Moved Right? Or the Republicans Left?

(SWP refers to the Socialist Workers Party, aka "the Party," which publishes The Militant newspaper.)

In a comment thread to the recent post entitled News From the SWP, reader JohnB asks a question. (The entire thread is worth your attention.)

By the way, Dan, a while back you took exception to my assertion that the SWP is moving to the right:

https://trotskyschildren.blogspot.com/2017/08/is-swp-moving-right.html

Have you changed your mind now?

The short answer is No I have not. Indeed, I've gone back and reread my old posts on the topic (here, here, here and here), and I still agree with all of them. Those span a stretch from November, 2019, all the way back to December, 2013. So my opinions about the direction of the SWP have remained remarkably constant. (I surprise even myself. Usually I find my old posts to be somewhat cringeworthy--but not these.)

Beginning in 1975, the Party instituted the Turn, which was a serious effort to get comrades into the unionized, industrial labor force. Ex-SWPers mostly dismiss the effort as ridiculous. Far from building the Party, membership dropped from about 3000 in the early 70s, to perhaps less than a hundred today. The Turn gradually fizzled out beginning in the late 90s as comrades left the movement, and as the remaining members aged into retirement. It never succeeded in recruiting new members.  My review describes the Turn and its consequences succinctly.

While the Turn failed at its intended purpose, it had other consequences. It did drive a lot of people out of the movement--likely including me (though I wasn't really aware of it at the time). The emphasis on being a union member in an industrial fraction never appealed to those of us attending college. I never imagined myself working in a steel mill--I wouldn't have been any good at that.

The Turn's biggest mistake was to move comrades around from city to city--like traveling preachers. This made it impossible for them to establish serious, personal connections with the people they were trying to reach. It prevented comrades from ever developing a career--not even a blue collar career. Not for them was any investment in personal skills or talents. They strove toward the Marxist ideal of a proletarian worker--nothing to lose, not even chains, with only cheap and brute labor for sale.

I felt sorry for my former comrades, because if you never develop a career, and never put down any roots in any one place, and likely never start a family, and more, contribute any extra money you earn to Jack Barnes the Party, then you're in for a tedious, lonely life and an impoverished retirement. They're like Franciscan friars who take vows of obedience and poverty--and lead itinerant, childless lives.

No wonder our now elderly comrades are still working at Walmart or driving Uber cars. They need the money.

But in one respect the Turn was spectacularly successful. One goal was to "proletarianize" the Party--and this has undoubtedly been accomplished. The college-educated sorts, teachers, welfare caseworkers, college professors, grad students--the lumpen intelligentsia all--have been ruthlessly purged. What's left are the blue-collar sorts.

Is it any surprise that they'd thrill to Trump's blue collar appeal? Of course they do.

Now consider the Republican Party, which prior to 1980 was known as the home of the bourgeoisie--the Boston brahmins, the Upper East Side's brownstone denizens, the folks who hang out in Hollywood or Beverly Hills. Their presidents were Eisenhower and Nixon. Then Reagan came along and worked to extend the GOP's reach into the middle class. He didn't talk Ivy League--but was instead an Illinois farm boy, the son of an alcoholic.

The GOP subsequently partially walked back the Reagan Revolution, reestablishing its upper crust credentials during the Bush years--both of whom were Ivy League grads. Bush 1 promised no new taxes--only to renege in obedience to the wealthy. The rich don't mind paying taxes because they can always pass the cost on to the middle and lower classes. It's the middle class that mostly ends up with the bill--and they knew it. That was the end of Reagan's coalition--the blue collars returned to the Democrats.

Obama's relentless efforts to impoverish middle- and working class America spawned the Tea Party rebellion, leading to the Republican sweep of Congress in 2010. For obvious reasons, blue-collar America depends on a literal interpretation of the Constitution for their well-being. For without Constitutional limits on government they become slaves of the Federal bureaucracy--reduced to being wards of the state. To use The Militant's phrase, they become a population to be "administered."

On the other hand, they don't object when the government gives them free money. Of course, the money is never "free." It always comes with strings attached, usually losing your freedom. It is this contradiction--between "don't tread on me" and "give it to me for free" that eventually leads to Trump.

Gone was the longtime GOP fixation on balanced budgets. The party-poopers who worried about the solvency of social security were exiled to the wilderness. Obamacare was fine after the individual mandate was repealed--then it became just another free lunch. A few old-fashioned Republicans now complain about Biden's stimulus--though it is nearly certain that Trump would've done the same thing.

So I think it's a myth that Trump moved the GOP to the right. On the contrary, he expanded government in ways tailored to help his blue-collar base--and at the same time he dissed the pinheads who wanted to "administer" them. Many government posts were left vacant, the universities were defunded, and self-righteous international institutions were appropriately disrespected.

The Dems, by now the party of the lumpen intelligentsia (along with the traditional lumpen proletariat), hated that. How could he! That very hatred thrilled the working class all the more, and along with it Trump's popularity.

The SWP is moved by the same emotions that power the working class. In this respect they differ dramatically from the other grouplets and bloggers on my Beat--all of whom speak for the lumpen intelligentsia.

The SWP and blue-collar America have something else in common--they're old. Old people realize that the world needs boundaries--for without boundaries society simply can't function. In the simple case, a boundary means a literal border wall--as Trump put it "a country without borders isn't a country." It means that sex roles remain reasonably well-defined--one can't switch genders just by putting on a dress. It means that the language of political conversation is English--not Spanish, Chinese, or Tagalog.

It means a balancing act in the right to free speech. Yes, that right is nearly absolute. But the "right" to get a paycheck from a state university is reasonably a lot more restrictive. Professors need to believe at some level in the American civic religion--for if they don't constructive conversation becomes impossible. For this reason, we don't hire KKK members as college professors, no matter how smart or creative they are. Likewise, membership in BLM should disqualify, and for the same reason.

Nikole Hannah-Jones was recently denied tenure at the University of North Carolina. She should never have been hired in the first place.

The SWP sort of understands that. They disdain the fluid model of gender roles championed by the lumpen intelligentsia. They're attitude on race relations is at least sane, unlike that now popular on college campuses. They acknowledge that Jews and Arabs somehow have to live together in Israel/Palestine.

True to its masthead, The Militant is "published in the interests of working people," however inconsistent that may sometimes be.

Further Reading:

Saturday, May 15, 2021

News From the SWP

I've been ignoring the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) because their paper--The Militant--has not caught my fancy recently. They're following some labor issues that haven't interested me; they waste a lot of pixels on Cuba; they tout ancient books that don't look to be very relevant today. This week's issue, for example, has a long excerpt from American Labor Struggles 1877-1934--surely of purely academic interest.

For all their interest in labor struggles, it was weird that they waited until this week to comment on the defeat of the Amazon union effort--an event that happened on April 9th. I purposely postponed my own account (dated May 1) so to include their response, but I gave up on them. As it turns out author Susan Lamont adds nothing new to the conversation, so no update from me is needed.

The big news is that the pandemic-postponed Active Workers Conference will happen this year from July 22 - 24. Historically these have occurred in Oberlin, OH, and are known informally as "Oberlin Conferences"--a very long tradition in the Trotskyist movement. Some reminiscences of my time at Oberlin are here

But these days the Oberlin brand is hopelessly tarnished given the eponymous college's failed and dishonorable crusade against a small-town bakery. So this year's "Oberlin Conference" will instead take place at Wittenberg University in Springfield, OH. Springfield is a mid-sized, struggling, rust-belt town 26 miles east of Dayton International Airport. I, being a geography buff, find it an odd place to hold the affair--so please let me indulge my geography itch to explain why.

I surmise that the Oberlin site was originally chosen because it was close to the Cleveland branch. Indeed, I recall at one such shindig we adjourned to a big hotel in that city for a large campaign rally. The Cleveland comrades played a key role in organizing the event every year. Further, Oberlin was within a couple hours drive of branches in Detroit and Pittsburgh, and not that far from Chicago. Folks from further afield could fly into Cleveland airport (though we Portland comrades drove).

Today the Party has no branches in Ohio, the Detroit branch also no longer exists, and Pittsburgh is a four hour drive from Springfield. The closest branch is Louisville--a three-hour ride. So Springfield seems remarkably inconvenient. Further, while Dayton airport is close by, it is smallish and rather expensive to fly in to. I checked connections from the West Coast (SEA, SFO, LAX--this is how I waste my time) and they're horrible. The layover time in Chicago is as long as five hours.

The closest large airport is Cincinnati (CVG), a bit under two hours away. That's a Delta hub, and nonstop flights are available from LAX, though from SEA or SFO a connection is still necessary. The fares are lower as well. While I didn't check, being a Delta hub CVG is probably easier to reach from Atlanta, Miami, or Texas.

So were I in charge, Wittenberg wouldn't be my top pick. The criteria are: 1) a small-campus setting, 2) near an existing branch, 3) not too far from a major airport, 4) in the Midwest--because that's centrally located wrt SWP branches. There are four branches that meet the Midwest criterion: Chicago, Louisville, Pittsburgh, St. Louis.

  • Chicago is a logical choice--definitely centrally located and certainly a big airport. There are a bunch of colleges in the suburbs or further afield that would be an easy reach. Lots of options here, but Chicago is a big city and doesn't really have the "vacation" vibe that is essential to the Oberlin experience.
  • Louisville doesn't have a major airport, though CVG is only about 90 minutes away. Otherwise it's a fine choice. The city is charming and the surrounding countryside is lovely. There are lots of colleges both in town and out of town. St. Meinrad's--a Catholic seminary in Indiana--is glorious. Hanover College--halfway between Louisville and Cincinnati--is gorgeous.
  • Pittsburgh has a big airport, and the region doesn't lack for colleges. Allegheny College in Meadville has a beautiful campus--but there are many others to choose from. The scenery is spectacular, and the airport offers many nonstop flights. But it's too far east to be easy for comrades driving from places like Minneapolis, Lincoln, St. Louis, or even Chicago.
  • St. Louis is literally in the middle of the country, and has the best location. The airport is major. It's an easy drive from Louisville, Chicago, Lincoln, or even Minneapolis. There are plenty of colleges around.
Were I geography czar, I'd pick a college within 50 miles of Louisville. There are plenty to choose from.

In a campaign statement by Roger Calero, The Militant advocates for a two-state solution in Israel/Palestine. They distinguish themselves from their Trotskyist brethren in not being antisemitic--to their everlasting credit. They rightly describe Hamas as "the reactionary Islamist group that rules Gaza" --certainly true as far as it goes. I'd be less diplomatic and use the f- word banned from this blog.

Mr. Calero also criticizes the Israelis, writing
The spark for today’s crisis is the refusal of the Israeli government to halt attempts to evict 300 Palestinians from 13 households in Sheikh Jarrah, in East Jerusalem. Regardless of who “owns” the homes, Palestinians have lived in them since the 1950s.

While the Israeli government portrays this as a private landlord-tenant dispute, Palestinians rightly fear that allowing the evictions would open the floodgate to more, and to Israeli government refusal to ever accept East Jerusalem as the capital of a Palestinian state.
Fair enough--it is not antisemitic to note Israeli sins. But as The Militant points out, the Hamas leadership, by launching hundreds of militarily-useless rockets randomly aimed at Israeli cities and towns with the intention of killing civilians, obviously is not representing the best interests of their own people. Of course the Israeli army has to respond in force--any government would do that. For good or ill, the Israelis are acting rationally. Hamas is just a bunch of irrational, semi-suicidal crazies.

The other papers on my Beat are spouting the same-old the Jews are evil, imperialist, colonial-settler, apartheid-mongering, out to gratuitously murder Palestinian children for no reason other than that they enjoy it crap. I've responded many times--by now my answer is predictable. A good example is here.

My friend and former comrade Brian Williams pens a piece entitled Witch hunt against Trump, political rights continues. It's a rousing defense of former President Trump's civil liberties--so rousing in fact that I'm beginning to wonder if they're joining the Republican Party. If so, welcome aboard--but you'll have to cut back on the Cuba enthusiasm.

Mr. Williams even goes a half-step further than I would, defending Rudy Giuliani against the likely unjustified search warrant on his home. And they're probably right--the warrant was unjustified. But I'm mad at Mr. Giuliani right now, for a more incompetent legal team a presidential campaign has never had. Trump's electoral college loss in 2020 was due in significant part to the lawsuits that his lawyers never filed in a timely fashion. Mr. Giuliani only got around to it after the election was over, when it was too late.

I understand the injustice of it all, but I can't work up too much sympathy for Rudy Giuliani. Sorry.

Further Reading:

Thursday, May 6, 2021

Elise Stefanik

Elise Stefanik is one of New York's own, and as such I'm partial to her. She represents my adopted state.

She grew up in suburban Albany, where her parents run a lumber supply business. She graduated from Harvard College, i.e., she's among the smartest people on the planet. Following graduation she went to work in the Bush White House doing foreign policy stuff. After Obama's election, she returned to Albany to help run her parents' business. When in 2014 Democrat Bill Owens decided not to run for re-election for Congress from New York's 21st district, she bought a house in Willsboro (Essex County) and ran for the seat. She won, and has won every re-election since by convincing margins. She was the youngest congressman (30) when first elected. She since got married and lives in Schuylerville (Saratoga County).

She's now running for House Republican Conference Chair to succeed the politically tarnished Liz Cheney. Her credentials are political backslapping, prodigious fund raising (I think she's among the dollar leaders), and, unlike Liz, her vocal and unwavering support for Trump during both his impeachment hearings. That has earned her strong support from DJT, and also from Steve Scalise, the House minority whip. Kevin McCarthy doesn't seem to like her very much, though he's decided not to oppose her.

But a lot of people (incl. the Club for Growth) have come out against, calling her too liberal. They do have a point:
  • She is a squish on abortion. While she consistently opposes any taxpayer funding for the procedure, she's against making it illegal.
  • She opposed Trump's withdrawal from the Paris Accords. She's trying to stake out middle ground in climate issues.
  • She opposed Trump's troop withdrawal from Syria, and I assume she opposes our pending withdrawal from Afghanistan.
  • Like the entire NY delegation, she opposed removing the SALT deduction.
  • She opposed reallocating DoD funds to pay for the border wall (though I don't think this was because of opposition to the wall).
  • She supported the LGBTQ rights bill.
In other words, say her detractors, she's no better than Liz Cheney.

Despite her support for the president, she clearly is not a Trump Republican. She isn't even a Reagan Republican. I think one has to go back to Calvin Coolidge to find a good analogue.

Calvin was born in Plymouth Center, Vermont, barely 75 miles from where Elise now lives. He attended college at Amherst in Northampton, MA. In those days Amherst was a legit good school for men, cultivating the rock-ribbed, Republican attitudes for which New Englanders were famous. Following college he apprenticed himself to a law firm (he was the last lawyer president not to have attended law school), and then lived in Northampton for the rest of his life, except for the time that he spent in the Governor's mansion in Boston or in the White House in DC. I'm informed by the excellent biography by Amity Shlaes.

Cal ran as vice-president under Warren Harding. The latter was a gregarious, happy, intelligent man whose campaign slogan was "Back to Normal." By that he meant undoing the near dictatorship of Woodrow Wilson, inspired by WWI. Wilson was as close to a fascist president as America has ever had, and surrounded himself by a coterie of like-minded people, e.g., Henry Ford and Charles Lindbergh. He curtailed both civil liberties and economic freedoms, and Harding's campaign promised to undo all of that. Harding won easily.

Unfortunately, Harding had one great flaw: he couldn't say NO. The result was people walked all over him and his administration became grossly corrupt, topped off by the Teapot Dome scandal. I think Harding would eventually have been impeached, but fortunately for the country he died first, and in 1923 the vastly more competent Silent Cal took over. Coolidge stuck to the same principles--shrinking government, counting every penny in the government fisc, and undoing all the civil liberties restrictions. The result was the roaring economy for which the '20s are famous.

So what is this Rock-Ribbed Republicanism so ably represented by Coolidge?
  • Pragmatism. Rock-Ribbed Republicans do not go for Grand Eternal Schemes. Just solve today's problems as they come along.
  • Moderation. No radical proposals. Put together viable coalitions.
  • Thrift, bordering on asceticism, in both government and personal budgets.
  • "City on a Hill." The USA is an exceptional country and therefore has exceptional responsibilities. We can't just abandon the rest of the world. We must live up to our high standards.
  • High moral principles. For Coolidge that meant personal virtues; for modern politicians it's more likely to mean social justice virtues, such as LBGTQ rights,
Obviously, Elise isn't the same as Calvin Coolidge--we live in different times, and she's a different person, not least female. But if history doesn't repeat, it's easy to see the rhyme. She holds pragmatic, moderate positions--ones likely to piss off the extremes, such as Club for Growth. I'll bet she's a believer in balanced budgets--were she in charge we'd have no $2 trillion spending bills. She lives modestly, and there's no hint of corruption in her background.

Elise obviously has political ambitions beyond Congress. She aspires to statewide and/or national offices, and rumor has it she's considering a run for governor in 2022. I don't think the presidency is off her radar screen--she certainly has the smarts to pull it off. Let's consider her options.
  • Her biggest hurdle for statewide office is not that she's a Republican, but rather that she is from Upstate. Her district is in the far northern reaches of New York, surrounding the Adirondack Park. Its population is nearly 60% rural. Her constituents are as far removed from the problems of New York City as it is possible to be. Needless to say, all postwar governors have built their political careers Downstate, in or near the City. The northernmost recent governor--George Pataki--hailed from Peekskill, in Westchester County. Beating a Downstate Democrat for statewide office will be a stretch, no matter how smart she is.
  • On the other hand, her gender and pragmatic moderation make her the suburban woman's ideal candidate. Upstate notwithstanding, she's gonna poll well on Long Island and in Westchester County. Will that be enough to put her over the top? It will take a miracle, but it could happen.
  • On the third hand, by his very brashness Trump was able to appeal to Black and (esp.) Hispanic voters. Elise's district, by contrast, is 90% white, and only 3% African-American. New England and Upstate New York is a part of the country uniquely inhospitable to Black folks. Cal never had to worry about that--but Elise does. Most New England politicians have the same problem, e.g., Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders.
I think the Republican Party needs to be a bigger tent than narrow Trumpism, and a champion for Rock-Ribbed Republicanism is a good thing. My biggest beef with her is the climate change shtick, which I think is mostly fake news. But I trust her enough to believe she's not gonna do anything really stupid, like ban airplanes or prohibit fracking. I admire her for standing up for Trump during the impeachment witch hunts--Coolidge-style loyalty counts for something.

To win a nationwide contest she'll have to expand her coalition beyond New York/New England. That's a big hurdle--Yankees aren't popular in much of the country. Just ask Liz Warren or Bernie about that.

So even though I'm more in the Trump camp, I still support her bid for Conference Chair. I will happily vote for her against any Democrat, though I won't promise to support her in a primary. You Go, Girl!

Further Reading:

Saturday, May 1, 2021

Amazon Defeats the Union

The Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union (RWDSU) tried to organize the Amazon warehouse workers in Bessemer, Alabama, and they failed. The vote was 1798 against and 738 for the union, from a total of 5698 workers.

I get my information from several articles at Left Voice (LV - here, here and here), from Socialist Resurgence (SR - pdf, see p. 4), from Vice (here) and from the Wall Street Journal (WSJ - here and here).

My correspondents give several reasons for the loss. First, they claim that Amazon cheated. There was an "illegal" USPS mailbox set up at the employees' front door to make it easier for them to mail in their ballots--but gave the impression that the company would check the ballots. Employees were required to attend meetings where the union was denigrated. The size of the bargaining unit was inflated to include supervisors and managers, and workers were subject to a barrage of text messages. The WSJ partially disputes some of these points, and I doubt--even if true--that any of this could have swung the election to such an overwhelming extent. If the workers really wanted a union, none of these tactics would've mattered.

Second, the loss is blamed on "business unionism." That is, the union tried to organize from the top down, and failed to do the grass roots work necessary to sway the vote. LV's reporter, Tatiana Cozzarelli, relates that, as a reporter, she found it nearly impossible to interview actual Amazon workers. They weren't involved in organizing activity at all. The union dismissed this, saying that they were keeping them under wraps to prevent retaliation. But to me (and apparently also to Ms. Cozzarelli) it was because the workers just weren't interested. The lopsided vote, along with the large number of non-voters, bears out this hypothesis.

Finally, the WSJ suggests that workers didn't think the union could do anything for them. They already get, as starting wages, $15/hour, which in Alabama is pretty good scratch. Amazon recently announced that, while keeping starting salaries the same, it was raising wages nationwide of many employees by as much as $3/hour. The workers didn't believe a union could improve on that, and then would take a cut off the top for union dues.

Amazon has a reputation (probably never entirely fair) of treating its employees like disposable commodities--as casual labor. If somebody quits, a new worker could replace them easily enough. But this is no longer true, for two reasons.

  • There is a labor shortage in this country. Demand for labor is strong as we recover from the pandemic, and the supply of workers is diminishing for demographic reasons.
  • Amazon is automating its warehouses. This means that it needs fewer employees, but they require higher skills. They need to work well around complicated and potentially dangerous machinery.

The result is Amazon has to pay higher wages, it has to provide some kind of career track, and it has to cover medical and retirement benefits. It's doing all those things. This is no longer a job for casual labor. Amazon can and will raise wages as much as needed to make sure it has the labor force it needs. If wage increases are what workers are after, they don't need a union--and the workers knows that.

So instead of promising wage increases, the union offered better working conditions. LV guest contributor Michael Goldfield describes it as "dignity."

And, there were not clear sets of public demands the union put forward, just dignity, etc. They should have said, if the union is certified, we will ask for $20 or so per hour, union safety and health committees, longer and more frequent breaks and lunch periods, less monitoring by computers and supervisors, no discussion of output and breaks without a union steward present, etc., demands that could have been developed at public meetings of workers, not to put in stone the examples that I have given.

Unfortunately, this dignity thing is expensive! And not just that--it destroys Amazon's entire business model. The company can't run a business paying employees to take longer breaks, extended lunch periods, and endless discussions with shop stewards.

But the real clinker is the "monitoring by computers and supervisors." Amazon has invested millions in equipment--robots if you will--and it's the robots who drive the speed of work. The investment is wasted if the employees purposely slow down the line. From the company's point of view this is complete non-starter. If the workers can't work, then Amazon will just pick up its robots and move them some place else.

The bargain is: you (worker) promise to arrive on time, every day, and to work as hard as you can during your shift. In return, we (Amazon) will pay you as much as you need to make that happen. For all that, Amazon is doing its best to improve working conditions within the constraint of running an efficient shop, e.g., by rotating workers from job to job to reduce repetitive motion problems.

What the union really asked for was the right to sabotage Amazon's business. The workers, by overwhelming margin, understood that for what it was, and rejected it. Because they realized that a secure future with a solid paycheck, health and retirement benefits will not be forthcoming if the business is destroyed.

This illustrates an important point: the incentives for the union differ from those of the employees. The workers benefit from higher pay and benefits, and reasonable attention to working conditions. 

The union, meanwhile, benefits most by increasing the total number of employees--for union dues increase more by employee number than by salary level. That's why they want to gum up the works as much as possible, for by minimizing worker productivity they maximize headcount. Apparently Amazon employees saw through this scam, too, and understood that their long-term future is not well served by sabotage.

I think the traditional union with contractual bargaining rights is a dead letter. It's very expensive, it leads to an unaccountable bureaucracy, and has incentives that don't correspond to the employees'. A strike to form a union benefited first and foremost the RDSWU--and that's why Ms. Cozzarelli couldn't find many workers involved in the effort.

More successful will be an informal employees' association, similar to what the West Virginia teachers had when they won their strike. An association travels light--it doesn't suffer under the legal and bureaucratic constraints of a legal union, it needs little or no staffing, doesn't need to pay dues to an "international," and is under no contractual or legal constraints.

My Trotskyist friends might call this suggestion-box unionism. And they'd be right in those cases where labor-management relations are good. But if there's any conflict, an association could make life very difficult for their employer. Recall that the West Virginia teachers' association actually called a strike--despite not being a union. Note that Amazon has a reputation for treating workers poorly--no union is necessary to make that case if the charge is true. The company would be forced to respond--as it is currently doing.

By voting down the RDSWU, the workers at Amazon's Bessemer warehouse showed they are much smarter than the college professors and grad students who write for Left Voice and Socialist Resurgence give them credit for.

Further Reading: