Thursday, May 29, 2025

Marxist Economics

 

Source

Michael Roberts, a formidable Marxist economist, is interviewed by Left Voice's Jason Koslowski in a post entitled Is a Major Slump on the Way? He is asked some basic questions about the tenets of Marxist economics, which makes for a useful read.

The first question asks about the labor theory of value, and why it is important today. Mr. Roberts responds:

Mainstream theories deny that the value/price of commodities is due to human labour.  Instead, some argue that the value or price of a commodity depends on the individual demand for it, its degree of utility. You might pay $1 for an ice cream but somebody else might pay $2, depending on the ‘marginal utility’ of an ice cream to each person. So the price is dependent on the desire of each individual, averaged in some way.  

This is nonsense; first, because how can you add up each individual’s desire for an ice cream to reach its average value?  Second, the question that is not answered is: why does an ice cream cost only $1-2 while a motor vehicle is priced at $30,000?  What decides that is the cost of producing each in terms of the labour time involved, not the individual demand for cars over ice creams.

You can count me among the "mainstream economists" here, who believe that it's consumers who assign values to products. A consumer will spend $30,000 on a car only if a car is worth that much money to her--and preferable to spending the same money on a fancy vacation or for the down payment on a house. Her calculation of value has nothing to do with what the workers think their time is worth.

Mr. Roberts asks how the capitalist can determine that "average value" for an ice cream cone? He can't, of course, but what he can do is find the revenue maximizing price. If the price is higher than that, then too few people will buy ice cream. If the price is lower, then he's just leaving money sitting on the table. There is a price--known as the market price--that maximizes revenue. In theory that happens to be where the red and green curves in the above diagram intersect. Prices convey information about how much consumers want a given product. It is consumers who set prices--not the capitalist or the workers.

Though Mr. Roberts isn't entirely wrong--he asks why a car can't be sold of one or two dollars, like an ice cream cone. This is, of course, because the cost of production--including labor--is much higher to produce a car than it is to produce an ice cream cone. So the price of a car must be higher than the cost of production, including labor. If consumers aren't willing to pay at least that much, then no cars will be produced. Neither capitalists nor workers will be willing to manufacture cars that can only fetch a couple bucks in the marketplace. Or, put another way, the price has to clear the market.

Of course some consumers are willing to pay much more than the market price. Only cheap cars will sell for $30K--these days one can easily find cars that are priced well over $100K! It seems that enough people are willing to spend that kind of money on a car. The production costs to make expensive cars are not that much higher than for the cheap, commodity cars, and so the luxury brands are very profitable for the capitalist. Not because the workers are exploited, but only because some consumers value brand, fashion, fancy electronics and leather seats more than most. In other words, automakers discriminate and they find customers who are willing to pay well above the market price for their cars.

It's the same with airline tickets. Basic economy tickets are a commodity product and are sold as cheaply as the cost of production allows. I use the word commodity here in the narrow sense, meaning products that compete primarily on price. But business class and first class seats sell for a lot more, and substantially add to the airline's profit margin. Unlike what Mr. Roberts implicitly claims, branded and/or luxury products are not commodities and are sold at (often substantially) higher prices. This is only because consumers are willing to pay for them, even if the additional labor cost is negligible.

Quoting again from Mr. Roberts:

Value in things and services produced as commodities for sale by capitalists has a dual basis: 1) it must be useful to somebody so that it will be bought, i.e. it has a “use-value”; but 2) it must be sold for money, i.e. it has exchange value. The great discovery by Marx was to show that the value or wages paid to workers for their labour time is less than the value of the goods or services sold by the capitalist.  The worker works eight hours in a day but gets paid the equivalent of just four hours labour time.  The capitalist appropriates the remaining four hours on the sale of the product. This is “surplus value” free to the capitalist.

What he calls "use-value" is, in fact, the value that the consumer puts on the product. Some consumers are willing to pay more and others less. Capitalists try to get consumers to pay more by upselling them to, say, business class. Consumers try to pay less by shopping around for sales and/or discounts. At the end of the day, the so-called "exchange value," aka price, is the result of bargaining between the consumer and the capitalist. This negotiation has nothing to do with the cost of labor.

Mr. Roberts posits yet a third value--determined by neither what the consumer wants nor by what the negotiated price eventually is. It is instead a spiritual quantity that Mr. Roberts calls "surplus value." I call it spiritual because there is no way this quantity can be measured--Mr. Roberts' offers the imaginary approximation that it accounts for 50% of the "exchange value" price. It is this spiritual, "surplus value" that is supposedly being stolen from the worker and pocketed by the capitalist as profit.

Wages are also the result of market competition. The capitalist needs to pay enough to convince the employee to come to work--and also not to work for another firm. The worker wants not only more money, but also benefits and leisure time. None of this has anything to do with what consumers are willing to pay.

Finally, Mr. Roberts completely misunderstands the role of "profit." There are two ways to measure profit: one as a fraction of all operating expenses, ie, operating profit. This is the measure that Marxists use (though they have a very weird and completely impractical way of estimating it). They posit a "law of economics" that global operating profits are declining. There is no empirical way to test this result.

While it is true that the operating profit has to be positive in order for there to be any profit of any kind, it doesn't have to be big. Walmart, for example, sets its operating profit to be 3%--if it's higher they lower prices; if it's lower, they eventually close the store. While low operating profits may be bad for the capitalist, the trend is excellent for consumers, since it means lower prices overall. Thus what Marxists interpret as being bad for the economy is actually good--assuming the trend of declining profits exists at all.

The way capitalists calculate "profit" is completely different: they calculate it as earnings per share, usually expressed in reciprocal form as the price/earnings ratio (PE ratio). Thus the relevant measure doesn't depend on operating profit at all (as long as it's positive), but instead as a percent of the total market capitalization of the company. By this measure there can never be any systematic decline in profits, since if operating profits go down, then share prices will go down in proportion.

The successful capitalist combines various resources--labor, capital, natural resources, expertise--into a company that creates something new that is of greater value to consumers than the constituent parts. Creating value for consumers is known as creating social utility, ie, making us all richer. Modern America is vastly richer than 18th Century Britain because capitalists, by imaginative recombinations of resources have been able to generate huge amounts of social utility.

The Marxists have economics all wrong--but if you want a concise and clear exposition of Marxist economics, then Michael Roberts is a good place to start.

Further Reading:


Wednesday, May 14, 2025

The Fading Fumes of Trotskyism

 

Jack Barnes
Jeff Mackler

Jack Barnes' biography has yet to be written, and I am certainly not the one to write it. I've never met the man apart from being in the audience at a few of his Oberlin presentations. All I know is what I've heard through the grapevine (and from Wikipedia). Along with his life-long companion, Mary-Alice Waters, he attended Carleton College, and in 1960 joined the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. That brought him and Ms. Waters into contact with the Socialist Workers Party (SWP)--in those days an avowedly Trotskyist Party in fraternal solidarity with the Trotskyist Fourth International. In 1972 he became National Secretary (top leader) of the Party, a post he has held ever since. Comrade Mary-Alice followed him on to the Political Committee, a status she continues to hold.

So support for the Cuban "Revolution" is in the core DNA of the Party, even today. Almost every issue of The Militant contains articles about Cuba, this week's being no exception. This is noteworthy because the Party has evolved its opinions on many other topics, eg,

  • They no longer refer to themselves as "Trotskyist," and have broken ties with the Fourth International.
  • They have distanced themselves from Wokeism, and no longer associate with the petty-bourgeois, identity movements so common elsewhere on the Left.
  • They support Israel against Hamas, which they regard (correctly) as a fascist death cult.
Today the Party consists of about 100 comrades (with perhaps 200 sympathizers), down from around 2000 in the early 70s. It's an aging crowd--the median age is likely over 70 by now. They'll survive Jack Barnes (who turns 85 this year), but I doubt they'll make it too much longer than that.

I think the end of the SWP and the end of the Cuban "Revolution" are likely to occur simultaneously. When Cuba is no longer "revolutionary," then the Party's very raison d'etre is gone. Without their allegiance to the Cuban Commies the SWP simply becomes a rather weird group of Trump supporters.

So people have been predicting the imminent demise of the "Revolution" for many decades now--and such predictions have so far come to naught. I think that's because the soothsayers have misunderstood the fate of Cuba: the "Revolution" isn't going out with a bang, but instead with a whimper. Rather than a cataclysmic end to the regime, it will instead just gradually and literally die away and fade into the dustbin of history.

In this, the "Revolution" is like the SWP. The Party won't end by Jack Barnes turning off the lights at the National Office. Instead there will be a gradual aging and shrinking until there is effectively nothing left. The historical analogy is the Socialist Labor Party, a once vital movement that faded into a website that ended when the last keeper of the flame passed away. It's gonna take another 20 years, but this is also how the Socialist Workers Party will end.

And so it is with Cuba. There will likely never be a counter-revolution in Cuba, but instead the country will cease to be a civilized, cohesive society. It's already close to that--most of the island is without electricity for most or all of the day, and transport is today mostly by oxcart and donkey.

The country is in steep demographic decline. You can't trust the Cuban government numbers (echoed by the United Nations)--those are certified fake. The government still counts as residents people who left the island less than two years ago--which obviously inflates the population numbers. According to official numbers, in 2024 the population of the island was 9,748,532. As mentioned, this ignores the large out-migration that began in 2020. According to the Universidad de Navarra in an article by Agustina Rodríguez Granja (emphasis mine)
The Cuban government refuses to give concrete figures on the recent massive outflow of citizens, claiming that until they have been out of the country for two years, they are still considered residents. This forces researchers to collect data from the receiving countries and to draw their own models. The conclusion of Cuban demographer and economist Juan Carlos Albizu-Campos is that in reality only 8.62 million people reside on the island, pointing to an 18% decrease in population between 2022 and 2023. Thus, more than one million people would have left Cuba since 2021, a Issue that is in line with the number of Cubans registered in the United States and, to a lesser extent, in other countries.

She goes on to write,

Based on the number of Cubans who entered the United States and the count that on other occasions this direct migration to the U.S. has represented in the overall Cuban migration, Albizu-Campos extrapolates that the total number of Cubans who left the island between 2021 and 2024 is close to an estimated 1.79 million.

The people who are leaving are typically working age, and disproportionately female of childbearing age. The government is letting them leave likely because they don't want rebellion at home. But eventually the "Revolution" will be reduced to a bunch of old people without electricity, subsisting by growing food on whatever land they can get ahold of.

It's not just the fading fumes of Cuba. It's also the fading fumes of the Socialist Workers Party. 

Speaking of fading fast, I haven't read a biography of Jeff Mackler, either. I also have never met him, but I think his bio might actually be very short--perhaps only one word: pathetic.

Mr. Mackler is the "national secretary" of the nearly defunct Socialist Action organization. That grouplet, which fancies itself as the "vanguard party," likely consists of a couple dozen comrades. It's gotten so small and so devoid of talent that I've taken to referring to Mr. Mackler as Vanguard Man, ie, the very last, living leader of the coming American revolution. 

The last formal edition of their newspaper was published in June, 2022, and since then their webpage has struggled with content. As I predicted back in January, it appears that Mr. Mackler (who is in his 80s) is no longer capable of leadership. So Vanguard Man is fading out, and it's not clear whose gonna lead us into the next revolutionary era.

The most recent post in Socialist Action, dated April 30th, is entitled Socialist Action General Membership Meeting for Comrades and Friends. It reads in full (except for details of Zoom meeting that was held on May 4th),

Comrades and Friends,

Join us this coming Sunday, May 4 at 5 pm PST [7 PM Midwest and 8 pm EST] for our Socialist Action ZOOM general membership meeting.

Reply to David.huseth@tutanota.com, John Pottinger <jpottinger@earthlink.net>, Jeff Mackler <jmackler@lmi.net>

Proposed agenda:

Analysis of Democrat’s “Hands Off” and “50 50 1,” • Defense of Palestine • May May/Immigrant Rights • New SA Members •  Fourth International World Congress Assessment and SA’s termination of fraternal membership. • Other business.

Comradely.

David and John

I don't know David Huseth, but John Pottinger was a comrade of mine in Chicago back in the day. He's a perfectly fine, upstanding gentleman against whom I bear no grudge--but frankly, he is woefully unqualified to assume the role of Vanguard Man. At very least he lacks the editorial talent. Note that prior to this April 30th announcement, the last post to their webpage was on March 20th.

No word yet on the outcome of the general membership meeting. But honestly, along with Mr. Mackler, it appears that Socialist Action is passing from this mortal coil. Which is a bit surprising--I expected the SWP to go first. 

There's more, of course. One shouldn't forget Left Voice, a claque of petty bourgeois academics that suffer from an overdose of Wokeism, a hatred of Jews, and of all the ills that beset the modern academy (eg, among other things, the advent of AI). These people aren't serious.

There is the nearly forgotten Socialist Viewpoint, a bi-monthly magazine edited by an aging group of spinsters formerly associated with Nat Weinstein's grouplet. And I can't forget Workers' Voice, which is in part a split-off from Socialist Action, and which now claims to be a vanguard party all its own.

The most significant remnant of Trotskyism is Solidarity, which isn't really Trotskyist anymore (not that anybody else is), but has instead become an addendum to the Democratic Party.

Anyway, I find all of this increasingly meaningless and boring, which is why I'm uninspired to write. There's no point. I won't end this blog--something will come along that inspires--but it's probably gonna be less frequent than it has been.

Further Reading: